The Ganapati temple is located in Flushing New York, and by
some calculations is the first Hindu temple to have been
established in North America. It has several facilities for
its members, including a community center which I had
visited prior to my fieldwork there. At the time I had been
unaware of the center’s affiliation with temple. Upon
beginning my research I realized this affiliation and also
made additional discoveries about the temple’s facilities.
The discoveries I made have shaped the focus of this paper.
As part of the community center there is a wedding hall, and
elsewhere in the compound one finds a temple canteen, a
patsala (school), and lodgings for priests. I slowly
began to visualize the community that this temple catered
to. More importantly, I realized the extent to which
interaction took place between the worshipers and the temple
itself. Through my work with the site I discovered the many
levels on which people of all backgrounds and ages could
become involved--levels that extended beyond worship. These
opportunities are a result of the temple’s infrastructure
and they point to the creation of a community. My paper will
investigate the nature of this community. It will examine
the ways individuals are allowed to participate in both
religious and non-religious spheres. It will also explore
the motivation that drives individuals to be a part of this
community, and in turn, how these people are able to
reinforce their identity as American-Indian Hindus through
their involvement.
History of the Temple
Unless one is
driving, getting to the Ganapati temple can be quite a trip.
The #7 train takes its passengers to the last stop in Main
Street located in northern Queens. The area is predominantly
Korean and is a bright bustling avenue of colorful awnings,
pastry shops, and ethnic stores. Buses lurch forward and
make sharp turns in every direction, and the Q27 has Holly
and Bowne as one its destinations--the intersection nearest
to the temple. The bus drives away from the colorful and
noisy Korean neighborhood into a quieter residential area.
Once arriving at the appropriate bus stop, three words greet
us from across the street--‘Sri Balaji Grocery’. Printed in
bold white letters on a green awning, these words usher us
into the new community that has been established here for
twenty-eight years. The Sri Maha Vallabha Ganapati
Devasthanam was established by the Hindu Temple Society of
North America, a non-profit organization that aimed to
construct temples in New York and other states. The project
was directed by Dr. Alagappa Alagappan (also the founder of
the HTSNA), who had been divinely instructed to make a home
for Lord Ganesha abroad (Eck 121).
Flushing was
chosen as the location for three reasons. Firstly, it was
considered to be a gateway for Indian Hindus because of the
pluralism that existed there. Secondly, transportation made
travel to the temple accessible, and finally there was
available land that could be purchased (Hanson 75). This
land was in fact a small frame house that had been used as a
Russian Orthodox Church. On July 4, 1977 the temple was
established. Seven years later it was officially consecrated
and transformed into what we see today. Black gates enclose
the temple, and within, its beautiful grey architecture
seems to reach into the sky. A gilded Ganesha poses on one
wall while another sits nestled in flowers atop the right
wall. Bright red doors invite worshipers to step into the
main prayer room while signs on either sides of the temple
direct visitors to the patsala and canteen. For many
the traditional architecture and bright colors in the midst
of a residential block can be a wonderfully overwhelming
experience. For others, it is a second home.
Functions of the Temple
Today the temple
operates under the leadership of Dr. Uma Mysorekar and has
an incredibly large membership. Exact calculations are not
easy to make, since membership is not defined as such, but
the temple’s mailing list extends well into the thousands.
It is interesting to note that several other houses of
religious worship are located nearby. There is a Jewish
community center, a Sikh gurdwara, a Muslim mosque, and a
Chinese church (Hanson 79). From most of these examples we
see that religion is clearly an important component of the
diasporic identity. Immigrants arrive in new destinations
and bring both their culture and religion with them. In the
diaspora, they attempt to reconstruct both. The process is a
fascinating one because the end result is a hybrid of their
‘roots’ as they remember them and their current lifestyle as
they realize it. Traditions are social memories that must be
revived and transported into the new diasporic home (Connerton
4). Indian Hindus feel a “continuing bond with the mother
country,” yet they also acknowledge this mother as “too slow
to nurture the ambition and skills” for many of its children
(Joanne Punzo Waghorne, “The Hindu Gods in a Split-Level
World,” in Orsi 105). Thus we see the driving force behind
immigration.
Once immigrants arrive in
the diaspora, they still retain many of their customary ways
such as language, diet, family values, etc. However, the
culture that they then breed is not identical to the one
they have left behind in the homeland. India becomes an
“ideological motherland” (Waghorne in Orsi 111) and stands
as a source of ideas that tend to lose shape as they are
being imported to the diaspora. Identical recreation is not
possible; rather, the old is assimilated to the new. In this
case, traditional Indian Hindu values are incorporated into
American lifestyles, giving form to a diasporic identity. We
see this, for example, in the construction of temples in
North America. Temples here are constructed according to
ancient prescriptions, but most have more enclosed spaces
than their counterparts in South India because of the
climate (Waghorne 116). This is just one example that
illustrates the alterations made to Indian Hindu life as it
becomes Americanized.
Social memory
and ‘Americanization’ travel hand in hand in many facets of
ritual at the Ganapati temple. Along the lines predicted by
Orsi, traditional Hindu prayers in North America become more
and more congregational in style. But both elements are
there—the old and the new. The temple is an institution
that speaks to first and second generation Indian Hindus on
both levels of their dual nature--both the Indian and
American parts of their identity. Everyone here is a part of
the New York community, where they co-exist with people who
come from other backgrounds, speak English at work and
schools, and carry on daily activities as most Americans do.
At the temple, worshipers are recognized as Americans who
live in New York, but they are also embraced as Indian
Hindus.
The temple is
first and foremost a house of worship. Its primary function
is to provide a space in which Hindus can express their
religion. As we walk into the main prayer room we encounter
deities such as Lakshmi, Krishna, Saraswati, and of course
Ganesha, among others. The style in which the deities are
dressed reveals that the temple caters to a community
comprised largely of South Indians. Ornate walls depict
religious scenes such as the dance of Shiva and Krishna
teaching Arjuna the Gita. The smell of agarbatti
incense fills the room, as verses of Sanskrit are offered to
the deities by the pandits and other worshipers. As
I said in my field notes,
It seems as if the walls of
temple are blocking out the rest of world, and a little
slice of India has been transported to New York. Sitting
here, it is hard to imagine that the subway, the Korean
neighborhood, and bodegas are right outside. The
bells to wake the deities are repeatedly rung, and the smell
is so exotic. It is almost as if this is an entirely
different world, and I do not feel out of place at all
because I am also of South Asian descent even though I am
not Hindu. (March 19, 2005)
My experience of
‘feeling at home’ inside the walls of the temple is a
sentiment shared by most of the worshipers there. This has
been revealed to me by various interviews that I have
conducted. One individual I spoke to during a subsequent
trip shared her feelings with me. This woman, whom we will
call Vibha Vasudevan, said:
I come here to pray to Lord
Ganesh because he is very important figure in the religion.
He opens all the doors. He has opened the door of America
for me, so I come here to thank him and to pay my respects.
He reminds me of my home and my parents.”
Another woman from a
Caribbean background, whom we will call Henna, said, “One
night when I saw a service taking place for Satyanarayan
puja, it reminded me of back home because that is what I
used to do with my father. Ever since then I have been
coming here.”
Both these women
have used the word ‘home’ in what they had to say. The
temple serves a gateway to what they have left behind. Their
visits here extend past the religious, answering to a
general loss they experienced when they made the decision to
immigrate. Their identities as South Asian and in some cases
Guyanese or Trinidadian individuals are reinstated during
their visits here. The facilities of the temple help to
achieve this. Involvement with the Ganapati temple can begin
on many different levels, and each opportunity represents
itself as a way for individuals to experience self-growth as
it helps to reinforce their identity.
Involvement with the Ganapati Temple
Having the
opportunity to speak with Dr. Uma Mysorekar at the temple
canteen during one of my trips greatly helped my
understanding of the members’ involvement in the temple
community. Dr. Mysorekar had been a participant at the
temple for many years before assuming the role of president.
She has overseen many of the temple’s endeavors to make
religious observance an integral component in the life of
Hindu immigrants. Such endeavors include locating artisans
to participate in the construction of many other temples,
the publication of newsletters, and fund-raising for relief
efforts in India. As she said,
Involvement can start out
any way. One comes here to seek what they are longing for
and they wish to be among people who believe the way they
do. Ultimately their interactions here bring out their
character. And involvement can be on one level or many.
It is certainly
true that involvement can take places on several levels,
given the many opportunities the temple offers. A brief
tour of the temple on any given Saturday will reveal the
various activities taking place at the same time. On several
occasions I observed a Bharat Natyam dance session taking
place in the basement, taught by an instructor who teaches
professionally. The patsala that is located to the
left of the temple building offers various classes offering
instruction in Sanskrit, yoga, and SAT prep. In addition,
the community center puts on programs such as spring
showcases, dramas and concerts. Some of these events are
non-religious in nature. The temple canteen is a busy place
during weekends, when families come for large portions of
the day and wish to have lunch or snacks while they are
there. Volunteers help to man the stations and help with
running the food services.
I had the
opportunity to meet two individuals who have participated in
the life of the temple for over ten years. One of the
individuals is Henna, who has already been briefly
mentioned. She was eating dosas near the food station
with a friend when I interviewed her. Motioning towards her
friend, she mentioned that both of them had begun their life
in the temple as volunteers in the canteen, but their
involvement and ties to the temple slowly grew. When asked
how they were drawn into participating more, they described
the temple as having a strong power that pulls the
individual. The idea of a strong power or force was a
fascinating point of view that I wished to explore further.
Kishan Bhatia, a worker at the gift shop says:
This community brings all
people together - unity is diversity. When we gather we
forget about differences. In Hinduism people are tolerant.
God is one and the deities just represent different aspects
of the universal God. The temple is an embellishment of the
soul and the body.
Bhatia mentions
several interesting points. He clearly refers to the
existence of a diverse community made up of the members who
attend the temple. And this community, although comprised
mostly of South Indians, also includes people of other
backgrounds--Henna is one such example. Bhatia depicts this
diversity as an arena for the tolerance to be found in
Hinduism. It must be noted, however, that in India, where
regional temples vary from one another, and where Hindus of
various backgrounds do not co-exist as they do here in
America, the tolerance is of a different nature. Diana Eck
speaks of an emerging American Hinduism, the likes of which
Bhatia describes. Here the religion must accommodate the
needs of many individuals who hail from different regions
and even ethnicities. The Ganapati Temple’s ability to offer
religious worship in a form that is accessible to different
groups of people is one the reasons why it boasts such a
very large membership. Dr Mysorekar also mentioned this:
People come to interact and
they seek for themselves what they are longing for. Your
involvement can be on one level, or it can be on many
levels. Ultimately it brings out your character. You want to
be among people who believe the way you do. These days you
cannot be close knit. You need to reach out.
This is where
the magnetism of the temple lies. The ‘power’ that draws
people into the temple, no matter what level they wish to
participate on, is a collective force stemming from the
various facilities the temple offers as well as the inviting
welcome that emanates from the building. The temple attempts
to extend the invitation to participate in as many ways as
it can. It publishes a magazine called the Ganesanjali
that is delivered to members’ homes. In addition calendars
highlighting temple events are also printed and distributed.
The many classes and events the temple sponsors create a way
for people to interact within the Flushing community that
they have become a part of. One man I had the chance to
speak to, whom we will call Mr. Murthy, said:
A lot of the times we have
immigrants who leave behind a family, a job, involvement
with their own neighborhood community or a life of politics.
They come here and because of lack of opportunity they
cannot be involved. They don’t have a voice anymore so when
they come to the temple and they see there are a lot of ways
to meet new families and friends. There are ways to make
their voices heard. We can have a life here instead of just
working. Its like recreation, almost.
We have already
discussed the atmosphere of the temple that helps its
worshipers to stay connected to their roots. Coming here
allows them to be around people who share similar beliefs.
They can wear traditional garb and eat authentic food. It is
clear that the Indian part of their dual identity is
reinstated. The words of Mr. Murthy confirm that the
American part of their identity can also be acknowledged
throughout their temple participation. As he says, their
involvement gives them a voice, allowing them to be an
important component of an American Indian community.
Preservation of Culture
The culture that
Indian Hindus living in New York allude to is one that they
have recreated. The traditions they remember, when mixed
with the lifestyle they have come to embrace as immigrants,
form the emerging Hindu culture they have come to celebrate.
The ‘maintenance’ of this culture is sometimes difficult.
One temple worshiper, Gita Sen, says:
Sometimes it is easy to just
accept what is in front of you. You see all these things
around you, and it is hard to live the same kind of life you
did back in India. And sometimes unknowingly you are giving
up things that mean something great to you, and losing them
because that part of your life is being taken up by
something America is putting in you.
For many the
temple serves as a way to prevent cultural loss. The
members’ ability to come here and feel ‘at home’ is a source
of strength against difficult encounters with assimilation.
Most important in this regard are the resources the temple
provides for Hindu youth, a group who are seen as at the
greatest risk of losing cultural--and by extension
religious--ties. This concern is not baseless. Those who had
the opportunity to grow up in India spent their formative
years understanding and living in a way that is not possible
to recreate here. Children who immigrate at an early age or
are born here find themselves unable to relate to a country
that is so far away and different from the norms in their
immediate surroundings. For their parents, this is a great
loss, creating a generational gap that is immensely
difficult to repair. But for many, the Ganapati temple
serves as a gateway through which adolescents can reunite
with their heritage and actually ‘live it’. Varsha
Parameswaran , a senior in high school, reports:
I remember coming to this
temple when I was really young. In school I acted the way
everyone else did. And at home I was Indian but I would
still speak to my parents in English, watch TV, eat American
food. But spending the weekends at the temple was different.
Here it was important to remember what makes us who we are,
and it wasn’t just about how to act. When we had to pray I
remember that I had to be serious, and at the same time this
was a part of my life that I could only share with my
family. And now that I am older I realize it is a good thing
to be serious about this because in my life religion cannot
be substituted with anything else. And I still come with my
family and when we come here this bond that has formed
between us and with the temple comes out. It’s like we pray
here but we communicate with each other too.
Many parents
find great comfort and reassurance in bringing their
children to the Ganapati temple. They firmly believe that
youth involvement within the various activities is
beneficial for the development of their child’s
consciousness. Since their children spend most of their time
in school and other places where they are seen as Americans,
parents look forward to the time when they have the
opportunity to reconnect with their heritage. A youth group
is a great resource for adolescents aged fourteen to early
twenties.
The Ganapati
temple’s youth group was established in 1996 with two
primary intentions--to promote Hindu culture and provide a
forum through which the youth can learn and discuss their
heritage. The youth group sponsors a broad range of
activities, such as Independence Day shows, blood drives,
interfaith camps, and spiritual retreats. Their meetings
generally consist of discussions on topics such as symbolism
in Hinduism, Sanatana Dharma, and the diasporic life of the
Hindu youth. As I observed in my field notes,
Several members of the youth
group sat at the temple canteen waiting for their meeting to
begin. Some of them were volunteering at the food station.
There was a lot of joking, from those who were waiting as
well as those who were working, and it is obvious that most
of these people have developed personal friendships with
each other. (March 30, 2005)
The light-hearted jokes and
amiable conversations from the small group of adolescents
are the appeal that the youth group holds. Along with their
passion for learning about Hinduism, the temple youth
exhibit a sincere dedication to the youth organization and
to each other as fellow members. As a result of their
participation, the bonds of this community are strengthened
and the threat of cultural loss is less imminent. Dr.
Mysorekar commented on their commitment and acknowledged
their incorporation of Hindu values in many of their
endeavors. Another individual, who wished to remain
anonymous, put it as follows: “The children are able to
speak in the same language of their parents.” This holds a
twofold meaning: the children can communicate with their
parents in the same tongue and they can also share a level
of understanding with them.
An Identity
The community
that has formed at the Ganapati temple is very visible. This
community is the result of the temple’s infrastructure.
Hindus from various backgrounds come to seek what they are
longing for, and can participate in whatever ways they
desire, even if it is just volunteer work or weekend
prayers. Most importantly, the temple contributes to their
identities as immigrants living in a new world. Naisa Thaker,
a college student and a previous youth group coordinator,
commented:
Here people see us as
Indians. In India, people see us as Americans. It is hard to
pinpoint where one part of our identity ends and the other
begins. At the temple we are neither and we are both.
Identity here is reconstructed because we have to hold on to
what we have but then again, assimilation is not an option -
its an obligation. And its also important not to fall into
the mainstream. Definition is a must.
At the Ganapati
temple, immigrants can seek definition on several levels,
for as Diana Eck says, “Hindu temples are evolving dozens of
new forms to meet the challenges of a new society” (Eck
136). The temple is no longer just a place of worship, it is
a place that enables communal gathering where immigrants can
congregate to embrace a “new emergent form of Hinduism” (Eck
137). Within the walls of the temple, the way these
individuals are perceived is very different from how they
are viewed outside of them. As Naisa Thaker has said, the
temple allows them to be who they are - individuals with a
dual identity. They are individuals with Hindu traditions in
an American context (Eck 137).
The Ganapati
Temple’s ability to speak to both components of this dual
identity is a major factor in its popularity. As one of the
most prominent temples in New York as well as in North
America, it continues to grow to this day. Dr. Mysorekar’s
desire to reach out is becoming a reality as programs are
being expanded and membership is increasing. Being able to
cater to various needs and offering worship that is
accessible to people of many backgrounds are great
successes. The temple has found a voice through its
membership, and in turn the Hindus who pay respect to the
deities within its walls have found a second home where they
are acknowledged as they really are.
Bibliography
Connerton, Paul. How Societies Remember.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989
Eck,
Diana L. A New Religious America. San Francisco:
HarperCollins, 2001
Hanson,
Scott R. City of Gods: Religious Freedom, Immigration,
and Pluralism in Flushing Queens. Ph.D. dissertation,
University of Chicago, 2002
Orsi,
Robert A. ed., Gods of the City. Bloomington:
Indiana University Press, 1999
http://www.nyganeshtemple.org/