Initially designed as the sister
temple to the Geeta Mandir in Queens, the Divya Dham temple
emerged in 1993 as distinct from the traditional Hindu
temple. The large and diverse collection of murtis,
images of the deities, serves to accommodate the varied
interests of the Hindu diaspora community in New York City
and to function as a place of pilgrimage, a collection of
temples, murtis and holy sites all under one roof.
"Divya Dham," according to Prof. Ram Chandra Pandey's
preface in the official Divya Dham information booklet, "is
established for the well-beings (sic) of all the people
irrespective of their caste and creed and therefore, they
may have a glimpse of all the deities at one sight and may
offer their respective worship according to their traditions
and faiths."
Although the temple presents
the pantheon of Hindu deities and is not devoted to any one
particular divinity, it gives primacy to the archetypal
figure of the Great Mother goddess. There is an overwhelming
presence of the feminine divine depicted throughout the
temple in the various representations of the Goddess: in the
central murti of Durga on the main altar, in the
replication of the sacred Vaishno Devi cave, in the abundant
goddess murtis, in the reproduction of the fifty-one
shakti pithas, and in the sacred jot flame
which represents the eternal presence of the Goddess.
During the spring semester of
2005, I spent many hours researching goddess worship at the
Divya Dham temple, studying its structural layout, attending
religious and cultural functions, and speaking with its
priests and worshippers. My research capabilities were
limited by the fact that I am not a native speaker of Hindi,
Gujarati or any of the other languages and dialects
generally spoken in the temple and was therefore restricted
to the use of English.
Additionally, the combination of my academic schedule and
travel restrictions meant that there was no set time at
which I would consistently visit the temple. As a result, my
research presents a mostly random collection of observations
which range from regular weekly aarti services and
individual worship to large scale religious festival worship
of the spring Navaratri and the accompanying garba
dance performance. I have come to understand the temple
from these observations as a unique place of goddess worship
which serves as a focal point of both personal devotion and
communal religious expression. In this paper, I will discuss
two important dimensions of goddess worship that I observed
at Divya Dham: representations of the Divine Mother in
physical space and celebration of the Goddess in the spring
Navaratri festival.
I.
The vast collection of
elaborately decorated marble murti at the temple
astounded me on my first visit to the temple. What amazed me
even more so, however, was the prominence of goddess images.
Every other corner of the temple showcases another
triumphant murti of the Divine Mother either in the
form of Durga, powerfully riding astride her lion, or in the
many other forms of the diverse female divinities in the
Hindu tradition. As material embodiments of the divine and
physical manifestations of the sacred, the murti
represent a crucial aspect of goddess worship. Consequently,
the temple directors at Divya Dham import all their
hand-crafted murti from India at great expense
and carefully dress them in bright silk clothing (green,
gold, or red) which they alternate every two weeks. Ornate
gold jewelry -- bangles, bracelets, necklaces, and nose
rings -- decoratively festoons the colorful images of the
female deities whose aura pervades the large expanse of the
temple.
 |
Figure
SEQ Figure \* ARABIC 1: One of highly decorated
Durga murtis at Divya Dham
|
On that same initial visit to
the temple, my first visit of any Hindu temple, I questioned
Swami Shiveshwaranand
about the most readily noticeable murtis which rested
atop the main altar. Why were the gods and goddesses
displayed in pairs with the exception of the proportionally
larger goddess murti in the center? What was the
particular religious significance of such an arrangement? He
explained that the main image represented the Divine Mother
in the form of the great multi-armed goddess, Durga, and
translated the sign above her figure which read, "Jai Mata
Di" as "Victory to the Mother." All gods and goddesses are
merely different incarnations of God and all goddesses are
manifestations of the Great Goddess, he assured me. In the
hierarchy of Hindu divinities, I soon learned, there is a
clear discrepancy between gods and goddesses. The various
goddesses such as Sita, Lakshmi, and Radha who feature
prominently on Divya Dham's main altar, appear as consorts
to the gods (Rama, Vishnu, and Krishna, respectively) and
are thus relegated to secondary roles. However, goddesses
also have powerfully independent roles when they figure as
supreme entities, most notably, in the image of The Great
Goddess/Divine Mother. The concept of female divinity
appears in ancient Indian religious expression, yet this
vision of the Great Goddess emerges only in the fourth
century C.E. and is best encapsulated in the Sanskrit text
of the Devi Mahatmya. It is in the Devi Mahatmya
that a distinct universal Goddess figure materializes; a
warrior Goddess assembled from the combined furious energy
of the gods who then vanquishes the demon, Mahisa, restores
order to the world and serves as its divine protectoress.
The text illustrates her greatness and praises her power:
Terrible
with your sword and spear. . .with conch and bow, having
arrows, sling and iron mace as your weapons/. . .exceedingly
beautiful, You are superior to the high and low, the supreme
queen/ Whatever and wherever anything exists, whether it be
real or unreal, O you who have everything as your very soul/
Of all that, you are the power (sakti); how then can
you be adequately praised?
This depiction of an archetypal Great
Goddess gives rise to the principle of shakti, a word
that literally means, "power" or "ability."
Shakti represents the dynamic feminine creative
principle, "the primordial power underlying the universe,
personified as a female deity who is the Supreme Being, the
totality of all existence."
According to Swami Shiveshwarand, the creative energy of
shakti emanates like the rays of the sun from the Divine
source and permeates throughout the world. Individual
goddesses featured in the temple embody this principle of
shakti as well as symbolize various concepts such as
knowledge, destruction, and light. None, however, so clearly
epitomize the power of shakti as do the fifty-one
shakti pithas.
Hidden on the upper level of
the Divya Dham temple in a room that opens onto the wedding
hall rest the fifty-one shakti pithas, replicas of
the various pithas, or abodes, revered in India as
places that enshrine parts of the Goddess' body. According
to Hindu legend, these shakti pithas have their
origin in the tragic death of Sati and the subsequent
dismemberment of her body. Sati, wife of the god Shiva, died
of grief when her father insulted her husband over the
matter of a sacrifice and a madly inconsolable Shiva took
her dead body over his shoulder and wandered about the
earth. So as to release Shiva from his mourning, the gods
Brahma, Vishnu, and Sani broke apart Sati's body and
scattered her fifty-one remains over India: where each piece
of her body fell became a sacred abode of the goddess. Thus
the "pithas express a worldview in which the earth is
considered sacred and the deity embodies herself in earthly
form."
Each of the original pithas is located at various
locations throughout India and so it seems somewhat
incongruous to have these symbolic reproductions all neatly
organized in rows, one after the other, accompanied by a
picture chart on the facing wall that carefully catalogues
and explains every one of them. Although they are meant to
parallel the different shakti pithas that dot the
Indian religious landscape, they look highly similar and it
is difficult to distinguish them from each other but for the
accompanying signs that provide their specific names and
locations. In their close resemblance to one another, these
shakti pithas replicas ultimately underscore the
universalization of the Great Goddess. On the single
occasion that I was able to visit the shakti pithas,
I wondered how often worshippers made the trek upstairs to
visit these holy manifestations of the Divine Mother.
Indeed, Swami Jagdishwarand, the original founder of Divya
Dham, had intended for the temple to function as a place of
urban pilgrimage and the very name chosen for the temple,
Divya Dham (Heavenly Abode), alludes to its sacred purpose.
In addition to the fifty-one
shakti pithas, Divya Dham features another
replication of a distinctly goddess-centric point of
pilgrimage: the Vaishno Devi cave. The original Vaishno Devi
shrine, a major site of pilgrimage in India located in the
Jammu district in the Himalayas, is symbolically brought to
Woodside, Queens and made accessible to diaspora worshippers
so that they too can take on the sacred journey to worship
and pay homage to the Divine Mother. In spite of obvious
structural limitations, Divya Dham attempts to create a
simulated Vaishno Devi cave meant to reproduce the pilgrim's
experience at the original shrine. Fiberglass designed to
look like rusticated grey stone lines the outside of the
cave, a bump in the middle of the path inside the cave
reminds one of the physical difficulty of the actual
journey, and in addition to the standard marble murtis
of Kali, Lakshmi and Saraswati, three small stone pithas
(the only rough stone pithas in the entire temple)
echo the simple images of the goddess in the authentic cave.
Above the entrance to the cave reads the same inscription
featured above the central Durga on the main altar: "Victory
to the Mother." Among the many symbolic meanings for the
Vaishno Devi Cave, Swami Shiveshwarand highlights the image
of a cave as womb and emphasizes the possibilities for
spiritual growth and rebirth. Moreover, he adds in a
particularly Christian sense that the Vaishno Devi cave is
symbolic of the heart and like Christ, one must for look for
God within one's self, within the hear.
 |
Figure SEQ Figure \* ARABIC 2: The three stone
pithas in the Vaishno Devi cave replica
|
Alongside the salient images of the fifty-one shakti
pithas and the Vaishno Devi cave which are unique to
Divya Dham, other manifestations of the Great Goddess stand
out among the various murtis of the temple. The most
notable of these murtis, none other than the central
Durga figure astride her lion, towers over the other
representations of the deities. Sword in one hand, a bow in
another, and a conch in yet another one of her seven hands,
this Durga inspires a sense of reverent awe and respect for
her tremendous power. The sacred flame, or jot, that
burns continuously in front of her represents the eternal
presence of the Goddess in the temple.
It is before this murti that worshippers receive
prasad and either begin or conclude their individual
prayers when visiting the temple. In addition to this
central figure, there are two other Durga murtis
displayed at Divya Dham. The first, a relatively recent
supplement to the temple added only a few months ago and
positioned towards the entrance to the temple, parallels the
main Durga image, albeit in a simpler fashion. The second
Durga murti located behind the stage belongs to a
"trinity" of goddesses: Gayatrimata flanks it on its left,
Santoshi-ma on its right.
Another notable depiction of the Great Goddess, forms of
Durga as Swami Shiveshwarand explains, lies in the far back
of the temple. Here, the nine goddesses -- Skandmata,
Katyayani, Kalratri, Mahagauri, Sidhidatri, Shailputri,
Brahmancharini, Chanderghanta, and Kushmanda -- each occupy
her own nook in a gazebo-type structure and wear elaborate
silk garments and gold jewelry analogous to the other
goddess murtis in the temple.
II.
On the majority of occasions
that I visited Divya Dham, a distinct quietness permeated
the temple. Most worshippers came for only ten to fifteen
minutes, often to or from their place of work, and seemed
visibly rushed. When I asked one particular female
worshipper in her early 30's about her worship, she
succinctly summed up her reality with the following
statement: "Job is necessary, eating is necessary, and
prayer is necessary, part of the life, we have to come."
Although Divya Dham serves as a place for individual
worship and private meditation, it truly seems designed as a
location for larger religious gatherings. During the course
of my research for this paper, I was fortunate to observe
the first spring Navaratri festival held at Divya Dham on
April 16, 2004. The tone of this festive communal
celebration of the Great Goddess/Divine Mother stands in
direct contrast with that of my prior exposure to the
temple. One could argue that the temple, adorned with
gleaming decorations, flashing colored lights, and the
vibrant rhythms of music, indeed "came alive" only in the
context of Navaratri.
Hindus observe the Navaratri
festival twice a year, once in the fall and once in the
spring.
For nine days (the word, Navaratri, literally means "nine
nights") devotees of Durga meditate, fast, and pray to the
Divine Mother in honor of her nine manifestations and hold a
special Durga puja. Swami Shiveshwaranand divided the
nine days into three groups of three when I asked him for a
description of the festival. Accordingly, the first three
days commemorate Durga as destroyer of dark forces, both
internal and external. Days four through six honor Lakshmi
as the giver of light and prosperity. The last three days
are reserved for worship of the Goddess as Saraswati,
provider of knowledge and wisdom. One of the basic aims of
the Navaratri celebration is to propitiate shakti,
the Goddess in her aspect of power, to bestow upon man
prosperity, auspiciousness, knowledge, and health. As such,
people often make special requests of the Goddess for they
consider the nine days of Navaratri a sacred and propitious
time. "In this period of time, all time is good" maintains
Roopnaraine Singh (Kush), a Guyanese disciple of Swami
Vidyanada. Another male worshipper, Mohandra, who ardently
believes that the Goddess helped him obtain his green card
and bring over his family from India, urged me to "pray to
the Goddess--all my wishes will come true. If you pray with
heart, Goddess will answer you."
Navaratri is celebrated in
various parts of India in different styles, however, the
Navaratri celebration at Divya Dham represents a
specifically Gujarati experience.
In general, Divya Dham caters mostly to Northern Indians and
Gujaratis in particular despite the Guyanese spiritual
leadership at the temple. Many of the names of the donors
listed alongside the murtis are of Gujarati origin,
Gujarati is spoken more often than Hindi or any other
language, and Durga is likewise referred to as Amba, the
epithet that Gujaratis reserve for the Divine Mother. This
is not to say, however, that the Gujarati Hindus excluded
non-Gujaratis from the Navaratri festival at Divya Dham. Two
Jain teenagers, a brother and sister, represented one
interesting exception to the general rule.
However, the general format of the spring Navaratri followed
a distinctly Gujarati pattern, most notably in the
enthusiastic practice of garba dance.
"When garba season comes,
you just know it inside. We know God is going to give us
strength to dance."
--Ravi,
medical student, mid-20's.
 |
|
Figure SEQ Figure \* ARABIC
3: Women and men dancing garba in honor of spring
Navaratri at Divya Dham |
Garba originated as a
Gujarati religious folk dance where predominately female
worshippers dance in rings to traditional music during the
festival dedicated to the Goddess known as Amba by Gujaratis.
The name of the dance derives from the garba pot
punctured with strategic openings in which a lamp is lit to
the deity. Customarily performed out in the streets in India
by women in lovely saris and salwarkameez, today garba
has incorporated men as well. Additionally, there is a
dandia-raas or stick dancing, component to garba
in which worshippers tap colorful sticks against each other
in time with the alternating tempo of the music.
For many of the Navaratri
worshippers at Divya Dham with whom I spoke, the religious
festival also functioned as an important social activity.
Avenika, an affable female worshipper in her early 30's,
comes to Navaratri and garba "for fun, religious
[sic], you enjoy a lot, meet people, your community." Hiten,
a male worshipper and software engineer in his mid 20's,
typically prays at home but takes pleasure in attending
Navaratri: "We have a temple in my house, but coming here is
different." The level of participation in the garba
dance surprised me: motivated teens and young adults, both
female and male, enthusiastically join in on the dancing as
smiling middle-aged women bring their young daughters into
the garba circle. One little girl in particular who
appeared to be about four years old focused on mastering the
garba footwork so diligently that she earned not only
her mother's approval, but the praise of some of the older
women sitting along the sidelines. Undoubtedly, Navaratri
garba educates the next generation of Gujarati American
Hindus in the transmission of cultural memory.
While the garba
performance indeed serves as a significant aspect of the
Navaratri festival, it is the distinctive Durga/Amba puja
and aarti service that actively mark the event as a
special communal religious celebration. A miniature murti
of the Divine Mother dressed in festive red and gold
silk lies in the center of the main hall especially for the
occasion. Positioned between two poles of high-powered
spotlights, this Goddess murti represents the focus
of the evening. The dancing women and men circle the
miniature image of the Goddess in their multiple rounds of
garba and some individual worshippers pray before her
in brief moments of silent meditation. Once the dancing
comes to an end, the religious ritual begins. In contrast to
the standard evening aarti I observed in which only a
handful of worshippers followed along with the Swami as he
preformed the service in front of the large stone
shivalingam, this aarti involved active worshipper
participation and took place simultaneously at two
locations: one group led aarti in front of the
central Durga murti at the main altar and the other
group did so before the temporary image in the middle of the
open hall space.
One worshipper rang the large bell facing the main altar
every second for nearly a minute while the crowd of
worshippers loudly sang along with the bhajans. Six
young adults all waved the aarti lights in front of
the main altar and the temporary murti of the Great
Goddess. Even as the music ceased to play, the worshippers
joyfully sang out a last bhajan as they clapped their
hands in unison.
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