Introduction

At the corner of a cramped street in the Jamaica section of Queens, nestled between a muddy park and small cemetery, stand two brick buildings, side by side. Blending into the surrounding landscape of apartment buildings and storage garages, their boxy shapes tend to mask their true purpose in the neighborhood. But a quick glance at their facades immediately sets them apart.[i] Upon closer examination, one finds other defining characteristics. The building closest to the corner displays a concrete Torah at its pinnacle with the Star of David gracing the elegant metal doors and pointed arch of its main entrance directly below. From these physical traits, one can identify this building as a synagogue. On the other building, one with a keen eye for South Asian culture need only spot the jhandi flags on the steps or the om above the entrance to recognize its Hindu affiliation. Hearing about two distinct religious structures located side-by-side may stir oneÕs mind into reflection on the themes of religious tolerance and coexistence present in New York; however, this is not the case. No coexistence is taking place here.

In reality, this site reflects the extraordinary growth of Hindu representation taking place in New York. Despite the remnants of Jewish symbols, it has been years since any worshippers celebrated the Sabbath within the walls of the synagogue, for they have long since moved out. Although the buildings appear to be two separate entities, they are in fact only one. A group of Hindus from the Caribbean country of Guyana now owns and operates both buildings. Inside, the buildings are joined together by a single doorway. Outside, they are joined together by a large sign centered between both their entrances. The red letters read ÒAmerica Sevashram Sangha.Ó

The America Sevashram Sangha is one of forty-five international centers under the guidance of the Bharat Sevashram Sangha in Calcutta. As a result, the America Sevashram Sangha follows a tradition of providing selfless service to humanity and the commitment to the propagation of Hinduism in the community in which it resides. It is currently headed by the renowned guru, Swami Vidyanandaji, who also heads Divya Dham[ii] and the Guyana Sevashram Sangha. The American Sevashram Sangha is not only a place for congregational worship; this organization also prides itself on being a cultural and educational center. Through numerous essay competitions, a yearly summer camp, Hindi language classes, and an emphasis on regular visits to the ashram, the America Sevashram Sangha remains active in its mission to promote spiritual awareness, which some consider threatened by the economic trappings of life in America.

The America Sevashram Sangha is made up of first, second, and third generation Guyanese-Hindus who are densely represented in the local areas of Richmond Hill and Flushing. Contrary to common belief, India has not been the only source of Hindu migration to the West. Hundreds of thousands of Hindus from other parts of the world also come to the West. Approximately one hundred thousand Guyanese-Hindus currently occupy Queens alone. In the short time since their first major influx into the country in 1965[iii], they have become a highly recognized and influential group of Hindus.

Scope and Challenges

Arguments in this paper stem from observations made of the Guyanese-Hindu congregation belonging to the America Sevashram Sangha. Although field research on this community was successful, it would be beneficial to present the scope and challenges of this project to the reader in order for him or her to gain a better understanding of the circumstances in which they were conducted.

This paper does not seek to analyze the ÒtypicalÓ Guyanese experience. Although observations are made of life seen on the street, these observations are very basic and are meant only to serve as general observations of the community as a whole. Due to the scope of this class, it must be remembered that the Guyanese ÒvoiceÓ in this paper is from a religiously focused group of people, which may differ from other non-practicing Guyanese-Hindus. The purpose of this paper is to explore the role religion plays in the lives of the few who do engage in nurturing their Hindu identity. Therefore, field research was limited strictly within the sphere of physical religious sites and the homes of certain members of the Sangha.

Unfortunately, a major challenge occurred after only a few weeks of field research that may have hindered the authenticity of this field research. Due to a legal dispute within the board of trustees of the America Sevashram Sangha, it was forced to close its doors to worship and occupancy. The Guyanese-Hindus lost their place of worship and I lost my ability to truly observe them in it. Luckily for the congregation, Divya Dham welcomed them to conduct Sunday morning service at their site in Woodside, Queens. As a result, all subsequent observations of the community were isolated to Sunday morning gatherings held in an alien place from the ashram.

Such a scenario did offer an opportunity to witness the rare interaction between Guyanese-Hindu and Indian-Hindu worshippers, but it prevented access to very critical sources of information and learning. I was unable to retrieve many important texts locked up inside the America Sevashram Sangha. Also, I was unable to watch a highly recommended video made by the congregation discussing the challenges caused by coming to the West[iv]. Most disappointingly, I was unable to take advantage of an invitation I received from the youth to stay overnight with them in the Sangha cooking, playing, and talking. Most definitely, that would have led to a much greater understanding of these youth members.

During the first few weeks of research, it was easy to follow up with members of the community. Unfortunately, the closing meant that those who were unable to travel to Divya Dham could no longer attend. Many faces disappeared and were not seen again. Those that could drive attended the services occasionally. Only a handful of people visited regularly enough to maintain steady communication. Most often they were the members with the financial means to attend service. Most noticeably missing from the original congregation were the elderly and the very young. This may have affected my sampling of interviews due to my now filtered interaction with the remaining members.

 

The ÒAshramÓ

My first visit to the ashram[v] took place on a quiet Sunday morning following a heavy snowstorm. It was one hour before service was scheduled to start, but surprisingly, I already heard music emanating from the windows. I thought that this was rather peculiar. First, I questioned whether I was late but after checking my watch, I realized that this was not the case. When I entered the ashram, I was approached by one of the younger members of the ashram, See Ram. I immediately posed my question of music to him. He said that they play the music to Òwelcome people.Ó He then added, Òmost times we help too if we spend the night here because they start the music really early.Ó[vi] Having had no experience with a Guyanese ashram, I found this quite peculiar. Unlike other Guyanese places of worship, the religious leaders of the Sangha actually live within the site itself. This holds in strict contrast to the other religious leaders in the Guyanese community, pundits, who maintain a household life with a full-time job, wife, and children. The leaders of the Sangha do not simply show up on Sunday along with their congregation as pandits do. Rather these monastic-devotees[vii] invite the lay-devotees to come and worship. This observation illustrates the very nature of an ashram, a far cry from a pandit-led temple.

After removing my coat and shoes, I was led into a fairly large room that stretched almost the length of the building. In the middle, there stood a table with birthday decorations. The sides of this room were lined with chairs facing the middle. See Ram explained that it was a girlÕs birthday and they were celebrating it: ÒWeÕll wish her happy birthday and sing some bhajans[viii] for her.Ó This statement exemplified the strong sense of spirituality of this close-knit community. I then saw a small platform decorated with Christmas lights and strung with yellow and red garlands in the front of the room. From its layout, I concluded that this room was the main place of worship in the building. But See Ram then led me to the back left corner of this room. We approached an unmarked door preceded by small steps. My assumption was that I was being led to see someone in a back office. After walking through the door, I was shocked to find that it led into the synagogue I had seen outside.

I was surprised to find us standing in the main worship area. Usually, when one enters a Hindu temple, one first notices the front altar. Since we entered almost behind the murtis, this was not my experience at all. I first saw a man by the name of Ravi sitting by himself playing the harmonium. He immediately welcomed me to step forward. When I approached him I noticed the impressive altar I had not seen due to the angle of the entrance. See Ram introduced me as the person from ÒcollegeÓ studying the ashram. Ravi ordered See Ram to bring me Hindu devotional texts. These books are given to new members of the ashram and are meant to provide them with a greater knowledge of Hinduism. After receiving these books, my immediate attention was directed to the rear of the worshipping area. Amazingly, the pews from the former Jewish synagogue had not been removed and were being used regularly.[ix] This was quite uncharacteristic of a Guyanese-Hindu temple, where one traditionally sits on the ground. Curiously, the Star of David still remained curved into the end of each pew. This dynamic was present throughout the ashram, including the many light fixtures hanging from the high ceiling. I was able to speak to a woman who converted to Hinduism from Islam regarding this. She said:

ÒYes, it was a synagogue, but Swamiji did not remove anything. I guess it shows that God is universal. No oneÕs religion is better than another so why remove it if it means the same thing. ThatÕs what I like about Hinduism. ItÕs a truly beautiful religion. I just feel better here.Ó[x] 

By not making an active attempt to remove these symbols, the ashram is making a statement about the universality of religion and the tolerance they hold for its different forms. After the service started, I took further notice of the interior of this former- synagogue-turned-Hindu temple. The presence of colossal stained glass windows installed by the previous Judaic community compliments the new Hindu community very well. Hindus hold great reverence to the sun. The large windows, comprised of scattered yellow, fogged, and clear glass create a yellow tint along the walls of the large room, giving off a Òsunrise glowÓ for the duration of the service. This effect is quite remarkable to witness.

Havan, the burning of offerings to the deities, is especially accommodated in this space. Havans I have witnessed in the past were performed near the front altar and the participants remain there until the service concludes. Instead, the ashram has two havan kunds located in central areas within the sitting area allowing the members to sit around the fire. Two large vents are positioned optimally over both areas to ensure this practice also meets required building codes. When completed, those involved in the havan return to their families and the service continues.

Members of the congregation continuously pour into the main room even after forty minutes into the service. They all followed the same course as well. This course became more apparent when a small child, perhaps no more than six years of age, entered the room the same way I did, from behind the altar. She followed the altar to the front where there was a small platform where the devotee could garland and do an aarti before a picture of Swami Pranavanandaji, an image I had never seen before until this ashram. After bowing her head before the image, she continued along the side of the altar to the seating area of Swamiji, his brahmacharis, and musicians. She slowly knelt down and touched the feet of Swamiji, who remained motionless. She then turned towards the congregation to find a seat on the cloth-covered ground.

As the service progressed, certain striking things were witnessed. Hearing the accent as the first brahmachari calls the devotees to give Òpraise and tanks (thanks),Ó one is made very aware of the fact that one is in a Guyanese-Hindu temple. Although most people I spoke to later on spoke very clearly, on occasion I would encounter a member of the ashram whose words could not be made out.

This sometimes heavy accent may be daunting to one who has never been exposed to it. Although there is an accent, English is the only language known to most Guyanese. They speak it correctly when in public but when amongst themselves, their English becomes very broken and often Hindi terms are mixed in, even though Hindi has been lost from this community ages ago. Another interesting side-note is that the service was interrupted to announce birthdays and anniversaries. Finally, a member of the congregation of direct Indian[xi] dissent was called upon to sing a special Bengali bhajan. This showed the universal reverence held by this community for all Hindus, not just those of their own culture. It also shows the efforts of the religious leaders to educate and expose the Guyanese congregation to the diversity in Hinduism.

The meaning of what an ashram is and how it differs from other places of worship was made further evident when hearing the sermon of Swamiji on that day. It was very personalÑalmost a conversation with the devotees. He started by using a metaphor of red iron absorbing the heat of the red coal. He said this to lead into a discussion on a controversy that was happening within the ashram. Apparently, two of his disciples had become influenced by the views of two ÒhouseholdersÓ in the community who wanted control of the ashram. For this, they were officially expelled. It was in this discussion that I became aware of this division in the two types of devotees: the monastic devotees and the lay devotees (householders). The religious leaders of this ashram have taken a vow to detach themselves from worldly desires and have left behind them the role of householder. For the ashram, maintaining this separation is critical to ensuring the Sangha is operating in accordance with its teachings.[xii]

           

Areas of Focus

During my time at the America Sevashram Sangha, I focused on two main topics. My first main concentration lay in the history of the ashram itself. Although I am a Guyanese-Hindu, the presence of an ashram in this community was quite surprising. I later came to find out Guyanese ashrams are something of an anomaly. I became very interested in how such a unique institution came into existence. The three unique traits I focused on were its structure as an ashram, its reverence to Swami Pranavanandaji, and its strong commitment to Hindu teachings. The second area of concentration dealt with the identity of the Guyanese-Hindu congregation. From preliminary observations, it seemed to me that the identity of this group of Hindus was being threatened by life in the West. After exploring this topic, I then sought to find the SanghaÕs specific role in the fortification of a Guyanese-Hindu identity.

 

Indian Link

Not your typical Guyanese temple

 

The members of the America Sevashram Sangha affectionately refer to it simply as Òashram.Ó But this term is not heard very often in the greater Guyanese community. In fact, ashrams are something of an anomaly compared to the other places of worship used by Guyanese-Hindus. To verify this, I questioned a few Guyanese acquaintances who reside in Queens and had no knowledge of the America Sevashram Sangha specifically. Most did not know what the word ÒashramÓ meant. Upon hearing the definition and the fact that a swami/guru was like a monk, their responses were varied. Raj, a twenty-five year old who left Guyana in his mid-teens, was unaware of the existence of these Guyanese ÒmonasticÓ sites in New York and said, ÒWhen I first got here [in America], I went to a few temples in peoplesÕ basementsÉany other time, the pandit just came to us.Ó Rick, his older brother, quickly added, ÒI heard about them in Guyana, those guys that throw away all their stuff, and beg for alms, and stay in temples, but I didnÕt know there were Guyanese monks here [in New York].Ó Others were more knowledgeable about ashrams, yet the sentiment still remained that pandit-led temples were most common in the Guyanese community. Launchamai, a political science student at St. JohnÕs University said, Ò I consider myself to be religious but I never met a real Guyanese monk, only pandits, and I know it ainÕt the same thing Ôcause they [pandits] have wives and kids.Ó[xiii] To further investigate how unique the ashram is, I showed a picture of Swami Pranavanandaji, the most revered entity of the ashram, to these same three Guyanese people, two others, and members of my own family. The image is done very realistically almost like a photograph and bearing no resemblance to the usual ÒporcelainÓ calendar art image. No one could identify him or state that he was a incarnation of Shiva.

So then, how did the America Sevashram Sangha form and why is it so divergent from the typical Guyanese temples? A good way to gain an understanding of how this all came about is to look at the state of Hinduism in Guyana in the mid 1950Õs. But one must go even further back in history, back to India, because most likely, these distinctions stem from its affiliation to the Bharat Sevashram Sangha, in India.

The Bharat Sevashram Sangha is a Òspiritual brotherhood of monks and selfless workers devoted to the service of humanityÓ. It has followed this tradition since it was founded in 1917 by Òthe illustrious patriot saint ÉSwami Pranavanandaji Maharaj, the 19^th century incarnation of Lord Shiva.Ó[xiv] Through observance of Swami PranavanandajiÕs earthly actions, the Sangha has outlined its primary objective, which is to serve people physically, mentally, morally and spiritually. To do so the Sangha must operate on a system that is based on the ideals and practices of renunciation, self-control, truth, continence and honest labor. Swami Pranavanandaji also placed great emphasis on the fusion of Òthe disintegrate masses.Ó[xv] It was this teaching that brought the Bharat Sevashram Sangha to the Caribbean, and to Guyana.

During the mid 1950Õs, missionaries from the Bharat Sevashram Sangha left India traveling internationally in the hopes of spreading its teachings and uniting all Hindus:

For the Indians living overseas, isolated from the main stream of Indian life they became domiciled in foreign countries [and] were fast becoming anglicized and were getting adrift. Moreover, propagating the message of Indian culture and philosophy among the people of the world was also a sacred need. After the attainment of Independence, the Sangha deputed several such missions to the east African states, West Indies, South America, England, Malaysia, Indonesia, Nepal and other countries in the Far East. Moreover the Sangha has established associate religious and cultural centers in Trinidad, Guyana, New York, Canada and UK. These centers working there are run by Indian and local monks of the Sangha and also by the local devotees initiated to the Sangha's spiritual order.[xvi]

 

These missionaries did not go to Guyana immediately. Rather, they worked for years in Trinidad. In Guyana, there was a movement by pandits to keep these Indian influences out. These pandits Òhad monopolized the sacred knowledge of rituals and Sanskrit texts.Ó[xvii] Although these pandit networks did do much to universalize Hinduism in the Caribbean, they also wanted to keep their ability to charge devotees for services rendered. This is evidenced by the fact that most Guyanese-Hindu households compensate pandits (whether pecuniarily or otherwise) for performing worships or pujas in their homes.

Slowly, the missionaries of the Bharat Sevashram Sangha did learn of the large Hindu-majority country of Guyana and began to make frequent visits there. The main missionary in Guyana was Swami Purnananda. The Bharat Sevashram Sangha had two goals in Guyana. According to Swami Vidyanandaji, when these first early Indian missionaries arrived, Hinduism was Ògoing downÓ and there were Òno more cremations.Ó[xviii] As a result, these missionaries Òinitiated mass prayer,Ó and Òtaught the Hindus how to perform their own pujaÓ without the need for a priest. This work Òrevitalized Hinduism in the CaribbeanÓ and did much to Òcreate greater Hindu awareness.Ó[xix]

These missionaries lived by a priestly spiritual code which entailed combining salvation of the self with the welfare of the society. It was this code that brought on their second goal: developing independent minds for Hindu youths. In Guyana, the government Òfully paid for the building of Christian schoolÉThe resulting monopoly position of the missions in the field of education promoted conversion to ChristianityÉÓ[xx] The lack of Hindu-affiliated learning institutions in a majority Hindu country outraged these missionaries. Consequently, the Guyana Sevashram Sangha was constructed with an adjoining Hindu college and primary school.[xxi] ÒThe main function of these schools is to impart true education. There, the students are trained to learn dignity of labor and the fundamental principles of human life. In these institutions they are to undergo the life of a Brahmachari and practice penance, austerity, and meditation.Ó[xxii] It was at this school that Swami Vidyanandaji joined the organization. He started as a science teacher on the property then in 1970 he Òreceived his full initiation as a celibate renunciant.Ó[xxiii] A few years later, he took over as guru of the Guyana Sevashram Sangha. In 1987, he then migrated to New York. Using the same teachings of the Bharat Sevashram Sangha and Swami Pranavanandaji, he started the America Sevashram Sangha some years later.

It is now understood that because the America Sevashram Sangha follows the linage of the Bharat Sevashram Sangha, it has formed and is maintained as an ashram in which the teachings and images of Swami Pranavanandaji are revered. This linage also affects the commitment the ashram holds. While other Guyanese-Hindu temples focus on simply creating a religious gathering place, the ashram goes a step forward holding strongly to a commitment to preserving Hinduism and humanity.[xxiv]

 

Brief History

Indo-Guyanese Americans are often referred to as Òtwice migrantsÓ because they have made two journeys before ending up here in the United States. Before continuing to discuss the Guyanese-Hindu experience in New York, it is necessary to see how this group of people made this journey to begin with. This history has been one fraught with hardship. The following is a brief account of the movement of this community as they were pulled to Guyana from India to make better lives for themselves but were pushed from Guyana to urban areas in the US (especially New York City) due to the countryÕs declining political state.

By the late 1500Õs heightened explorations brought England, Spain, and Portugal to the northeastern regions of South America to set up trading posts and plantations. For the labor required to develop these areas, they turned to the importation of African slaves. By 1803, The British were able to capture three South American colonies, Essequibo, Demerara, and Berbice and called it British Guiana. Slave resistance grew strong and in 1833, slavery was abolished in British Guiana. As can be imagined, this created a huge labor problem. Landowners needed a new form of cheap labor and so plans for an indenture system were brought to the table.[xxv]

The indenture system took place between 1835 and 1917. Laborers were induced to go to British Guiana to work under a required five-year contract. After which, the laborer was free to remain in British Guiana or return to his land of origin with his savings. The recruitment was mostly targeted at the low-economic areas of other British colonies. The reason is that if conditions were impoverished in those countries, then those individuals in financial need would leap at the opportunity to earn a living elsewhere.[xxvi] Between 1838 and 1917, Guyana saw 238,900 East Indians land on its shores. Their presence was the most significant, unique, opposed, and beneficial of all the indentured laborers.[xxvii]

East Indians were obligated to earn less than blacks earned, and consequently blacks lost their leverage in the struggle for higher wages. The tactic of the white landowner was to Òdivide the laborers (Negro and Indians) in these colonies, for by doing so they lessened the likelihood of a united revolt.Ó[xxviii] As a result, black resentment for the East Indians grew intense: ÒThe East Indians were involuntarily thrust into the middle of the veiled hatred between blacks and whites. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that the African despised the Ôcoolie[xxix]Õ for his ÔblacklegÕ entry in their struggle.Ó[xxx] As expected, violent clashes between the two races, Indians and Africans, became frequent.

A percentage of Indians did return to India when their indenture period ended. However, the majority stayed and used the money they earned to buy land. The hatred between Africans and Indians mounted. AfricanÕs viewed the Indians as Òmean and cunning and, like the JewÉ preparing themselves for Ôtaking overÕ the countryÉThe African was seen by the Indian as thriftless and irresponsible with a contempt for the land and a general hedonist outlook on life.Ó[xxxi]

Guyana gained independence in 1966 along with a name change. Unfortunately political leaders were not adequately prepared to allocate resources in the country. There were frequent food shortages. Public policies were enforced by a black-led government that was ignorant of the needs of the majority race in their population: the East Indians.

The Afro-Guyanese set up blocks against the Indian penetration into labor markets. If the two races worked in the same profession, blacks were paid more. Black police presence was increased, not for safety, but to instill fear in the Indian community. Even in the schools and universities, black scores were manipulated in order to keep academic awards out of the hands of East Indians. Although Indians had the education and skill, they were kept from earning competitive wages in the cities and towns.

The start of the 1980Õs marked the beginning of a period known as ÒThe Reign of TerrorÓ in Guyana. Indian communities became subject to crimes by organized black gangs. Known as the Òkick-down-the-door-gangs,Ó these fully armed blacks displayed commando style operations. They would kick down doors in the middle of the night, rob the family, inflict violence, rape women and young girls, and in some cases murder many family members.Ó[xxxii]

The presence of these gangs was strong, even to a child. I remember our reinforced front and back doors. I also remember how we were not supposed to go outside after dark. But I remember the stories more vividly. Horrifying tales of earrings being ripped from earlobes and fingers being chopped off for wedding rings.

Police did little to investigate these crimes, so they progressively became more frequent, even in the daytime. ÒSo great was the fear in Indian comminutes that housewives congregated in the public streets during the day fearful of becoming victims in the relative isolation of their homes.Ó Later investigations by the U.S. State Department traced ties between the government and these Òkick-down-the- doorÓ gangs. A peculiar fact was that police were the only ones to enjoy a monopoly of access to arms due to strict gun laws. Soon the phrase Òpolicemen by day and bandits by nightÓ rang out throughout the Indian communities. For many, the reign of terror events was the last straw. During the 1980Õs, approximately 30,000 Indo-Guyanese emigrated out of Guyana never to return.[xxxiii] Due to one-sided Afro-Guyanese politics, Guyana, having a population of just under one million, experienced massive emigration by the Indo-Guyanese population. From independence onward, emigration rates skyrocketed:

ÒGuyanese statistics indicated an average of 6,080 declared emigrants a year between 1969 and 1976, increasing to an average of 14,400 between 1976 and 1981. Figures for 1976 showed 43 percent of the emigrants going to the United States, 31 percent to Canada, 10 percent to Britain, and 9 percent to the Caribbean.Ó Unofficial estimates put the number leaving the country in the late 1980s at 10,000 to 30,000 annually.Ó[xxxiv]

 

Looking at this account, one sees Guyanese as a people fleeing their homeland. But they are not only fleeing, they do not plan to return. Most see it only as a place of struggle and violence.

ÒDonÕt Go BackÓ

These sentiments were called to my attention while sitting outside of a nearby Kali-basement-temple with three of the youths from the ashram: See Ram, Tommy, and Vadanan. I was getting ready to say my goodbyes when a man calmly walked out of the house. As he approached, he started talking about some of the horrible experiences he had in his most recent trip to Guyana. I sat on the bumper of an old Nissan and listened to this man speak to the Guyanese youth of the ashram. They called him ÒHunterÓ because he goes back and forth to Guyana once a year to hunt animals. Therefore, he keeps very updated on the latest news from Guyana. The following is one the most striking accounts I heard of what was happening in this communityÕs former homeland:

Man, Guyana get some bad engineering, boyÉI was driving and me nearly broke up all me suspension. Them bus a disappear in dem pothole I tell you boyÉten years, the government a build this roadÉand still them nah done with itÉwha[t] happen to all that money? When the white people come from the states and resurface the highway, the thing is nice manÉbut if the Guyana government do it, it will never reach endÉten years now and them still nah finish, now they say they got no money.

 

After gaining an audience, Hunter then started to give his warnings directly to the three youths:

           

ThatÕs why you guys is here, man, ThatÕs why I donÕt want you all to go back thereÉGuyana get some stupid laws and foolish rulesÉyou have to work so hard nowÉLil bai [boy] a make $500 a dayÉBig man a make $1500 bill a day[xxxv]ÉJobs hard, things is very badÉGas prices too muchÉit get real hard buddy.

 

Seeing that I was taking notes as he spoke, he turned to me at me and said:

 

ÒYou know what they call Guyana? It is the Land of Many Waters. Yet you got to work half a day to get enough money to buy one bottle of water.Ó

           

Tommy, a youth from the ashram, joined him in conversation saying, ÒRum shops are the only good business.Ó His comment was met with laughter and agreement. Hunter then went on to describe the political state of Guyana:

All the killings is spoiling the country and the authorities canÕt do nothing. It get so bad that [President] Bush tell me canÕt go down now. Last year, on my way to Guyana, the plane stopped in Trinidad, only six out of the 100 people on the plane stayed on to go into GuyanaÉcause as soon as you land, them a beat you and take away you suitcase. And you mean to tell me that 5000 Guyanese soldiers canÕt stop twenty-five bandits that is doing itÉthe police is cowardsÉit get to the point that if you call them, they nah even come to you house anymoreÉone time the police think that they followed a bandit into a house and they shot the homeowner in his sleep and his wife who was hiding in the closestÉjust some months ago the police killed three students from university because they were in a red van that someone tell them had bandits in it. Me heard that all them new police recruits for this year quit to go plant rice. Pitiful I tell youÉno U.S. citizen can go down there. Them get seven oÕclock curfewÉhonestly the things are badÉif they opened up the borders, everyone Black, Indian, Chinese, everyone would leave Guyana.[xxxvi]

 

A few weeks later, I happened to pick up a copy of the Caribbean Times at the ashram. On the front page, there is an article of a murder that took place in Guyana. Robbers broke into a small shop. The owners, who lived on the property, were awaked by the cries of their baby. When the mother went to calm to baby, she was met by the robbers and was shot. What makes this article stand out from the rest is a quote from the husband of the murdered woman. He tells the reporter, ÒThis is it; IÕm leaving [Guyana] and not coming back.Ó[xxxvii] This tendency to hold less and less reverence for Guyana was also encountered in the ashram. Junior, a knowledgeable man in his early thirties, told me about his trip to India. But while doing so, he said, ÒMan, I donÕt care about Guyana, visiting India, reading and learning about India is much more interesting to me.Ó[xxxviii]

            Hearing JuniorÕs comment exposed what may be the true reason why Guyanese are slowly losing their connection to their homeland. Obviously, its state of violence has caused many to shun it. But this is not the only factor. In the numerous sermons from Swamiji, one does not hear Guyana mentioned as a Hindu religious place. There are no stories of deities traveling on the roads and visiting the cities in Guyana. Rather, the sermons heard by the Guyanese-Hindu congregation are littered with references to India, the true Hindu motherland. Constantly hearing about the sub-continent as the place of origin for all the religious rituals and customs practices undermines Guyana as another place of origin.

Isolation

But there is yet another issue here. Although India may be considered the place where Hinduism formed, Guyanese-Hindus have become too detached from their motherland in order to hold on to it. After 150 years in Guyana, Hindi and caste identification have been lost. Because of this, some Guyanese-Hindus feel that other Hindus look upon them as Òwatered-downÓ[xxxix]. Tommy said, ÒThey [Indians] think they are better than us just because they are directly from India.Ó[xl] But when it comes to associating with Indians, the Guyanese seem to want to remain separate. Junior expressed the fact that ÒIndians divide themselves into castesÓ and used the metaphor that ÒGod gave us land but man put the borders.Ó[xli] He does not want to associate himself with this institution.

Life for any emigrated person in the West is fraught with numerous obstacles and a never-ending struggle to maintain culture and traditions. Guyanese-Hindus must, on top of that, deal with some additional strains. They cannot revisit their country of birth. They have no link to India, the origin of their culture, traditions, and religion. They are culturally distinct and therefore isolated from other Hindus of direct South Asian dissent.

The condition of the Guyanese-Hindus leads me to pose a question: How is the Hindu identity of a Guyanese in New York affected by all these circumstances?

 

Threatened Hindu Identity

 

Faced with the above factors, is the Hindu identity of the Guyanese twice as threatened as compared to the identity of any other group of immigrants? The answer is Òyes.Ó They are more likely to fall into the trappings of life in the West. Since they have no country they can retreat to, they tend to assimilate into western culture at a faster rate because this is now their permanent homeland. Is the community as a whole losing touch with its religious culture? As a people, the Guyanese-Hindus in America seem to be living life less and less in touch with their religion. Through street observations of the Guyanese community and conversation with members of the ashram, it seems high percentages of Guyanese are caught up in materialism and seek monetary desires, more so than they did in Guyana. The blurring memory of their past origins makes it seem as though this community is more prone to losing its religious customs and traditions due to life in the West. At the America Sevashram Sangha, there is an awareness of this and an active effort to combat it.

According to Swami Vidyanandaji, it is the religious identity that is threatened by life here in the West. He mentioned that Guyanese people come to the United States to build a better life. In Guyana, many people could not find work, food, or protection. Leaving such a lifestyle behind makes the Guyanese more likely to get Òcaught up in the materialist wants of the world that they came to the West to satisfy.Ó In this way, the Hindu identity of Guyanese is threatened. Guyanese are likely to Òlose his spiritual awarenessÓ in the pursuit of the American dream.[xlii] This can lead to Òthe breakdown of family values, separation of families, alcoholism, drugs, and delinquency.Ó[xliii] If one maintains regular involvement with the ashram, according to Swami Vidyanandaji, one ensures that one is following the path to inner peace, the ultimate goal of Hinduism.

            When Hinduism began to fade in Guyana, the Bharat Sevashram Sangha played a major role in revitalizing it. Their commitment to the propagation of Hinduism worldwide enabled the Guyanese East Indians to preserve their Hindu identities despite being a world way from India for over 150 years. As Guyanese-Hindus now move to the west, the America Sevashram Sangha is aware of the role it must play in continuing to carry the touch of Hindu preservation into this new frontier of life in western society. The America Sevashram Sangha stands to continue its lineage of protection and preservation of Hindu spirituality in a new society of materialism. By maintaining this commitment, Hindu customs and tradition will remain a stable part of the Guyanese community for another 150 years.

 

Works Cited

 

 

Baber, Colin. Guyana: Politics, Economics, and Society. London: Frances Pinter, 1986.

ÒBandit Slay Mother Summoned by InfantÕs SonÕs Screams.Ó Caribbean Indian Times. March 14, 2003, pg.1.

Cross, Malcolm. The East Indians of Guyana and Trinidad. New York: The Minority Rights, 1980.

Educational Insitutions.Bharat Sevashram Sangha. Accessed on April 15, 2003. <http://www.geocities.com/bharatsevashramsangh/various.html >.

ÒGlobal Hinduism in Gotham,Ó in Tony Carnes and Fenggang Yang, eds. Asian American Religions: Borders and Boundaries (New York :New York University Press, forthcoming.

Historical Overview of U.S. Immigration Policy. American Memory Library of Congress. Last revised on November 18, 1996. Accessed on April 25, 2003
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Missionary Work in Foreign Countries.Bharat Sevashram Sangha. Accessed on April 15, 2003. <http://www.geocities.com/bharatsevashramsangh/various.html >.

Rukmani, T.S., ed. Hindu Diaspora, Global Perspective. Montreal. Concordia University. 1999.

Singh, Chaitram. Politics in a Plantation Society. New York: Praeger, 1988.

Spinner, Thomas. A Political and Social History of Guyana. London: Westview Press, 1984.

Vertovec, Steven. The Hindu Diaspora: Comparative Patterns. New York, N.Y.: Routledge.

The American HeritageDictionary of the English Language, Fourth Edition. Houghton Mifflin Company. 2000.

Yugacharya Swami Pranavananda.Bharat Sevashram Sangha. Accessed on April 15, 2003. <http://www.geocities.com/bharatsevashramsangh/yugacharya.html>.